Behind Closed Doors: Physician Stories From Pasto

Colombia's ghost traditions blend Indigenous, African, and Spanish colonial supernatural beliefs into a uniquely vibrant folklore. The 'La Patasola' (One-Legged Woman) is a shape-shifting spirit of the forest who appears as a beautiful woman to lure men into the jungle before revealing her true monstrous form. 'El Mohán' is a hairy, wild man spirit who guards rivers and enchants women. 'La Madremonte' (Mother of the Mountain) is an enormous female spirit who controls weather and punishes those who damage the environment.

Colombian Afro-descendant communities along the Pacific coast maintain spiritual traditions including 'alabados' (funeral chants) and 'gualíes' (celebrations for dead children, who are believed to go directly to heaven). The concept of 'espantos' (frights/haunts) is so culturally embedded that it appears in medical consultations — patients describe illnesses caused by supernatural fright (susto), and traditional healers treat it with herbal baths and prayer.

Colombia's decades of armed conflict have added a layer of tragedy to its ghost traditions. Mass graves, disappeared persons, and violence have created countless 'almas en pena' (souls in torment), and communities hold vigils for the missing that blur the line between political protest and spiritual ceremony.

Colombian NDE accounts often feature distinctly Catholic imagery blended with Indigenous spiritual elements. The cultural concept of 'susto' (soul fright) — where a traumatic experience causes the soul to partially leave the body — provides a pre-existing framework for understanding NDEs. Colombian researchers at universities in Bogotá and Medellín have begun documenting NDEs among cardiac arrest patients. The country's tradition of curanderismo (folk healing) and the use of yagé (ayahuasca) by Amazonian communities create a cultural context where altered states of consciousness, including NDEs, are understood within spiritual rather than purely medical frameworks.

Colombia's miracle traditions are deeply Catholic. The Santuario de Las Lajas, a Gothic church built into a canyon in Ipiales, Nariño, has been a miracle pilgrimage site since a Marian apparition was reported in 1754. The walls of the canyon are covered with plaques thanking the Virgin for miraculous healings. Colombia's patron saint, Our Lady of Chiquinquirá, has been credited with miraculous interventions since the 16th century. Communities across Colombia maintain shrines and report healing miracles through the intercession of saints and the Virgin Mary.

Farm accident ghosts—a uniquely Midwestern category—haunt rural hospitals near Pasto, Nariño with a workmanlike persistence. These spirits of farmers killed by combines, PTOs, and grain augers appear in overalls and work boots, checking on fellow farmers who arrive in emergency departments with similar injuries. They don't try to communicate; they simply stand watch, one worker looking out for another.

The Midwest's tradition of barn medicine—veterinarians and farmers treating each other's injuries alongside livestock ailments near Pasto, Nariño—produced a pragmatic approach to healing that persists in rural hospitals. The ghost of the farmer who set his own broken leg with fence wire and baling twine is a Midwest archetype: a spirit that embodies self-reliance so deeply that even death doesn't diminish its competence.

The Midwest's medical examiners near Pasto, Nariño contribute to NDE research from an unexpected angle: autopsy findings in patients who reported NDEs before dying of unrelated causes years later. Preliminary observations suggest subtle structural differences in the brains of NDE experiencers—particularly in the temporal lobe and prefrontal cortex—that may predispose certain individuals to the experience or result from it.

Clinical psychologists near Pasto, Nariño who specialize in NDE aftereffects describe a condition they informally call 'NDE adjustment disorder'—the struggle to reintegrate into normal life after an experience that fundamentally altered the experiencer's values, relationships, and sense of purpose. These patients aren't mentally ill; they're profoundly changed, and the therapeutic challenge is to help them build a life that accommodates their new understanding of reality.

High school sports injuries near Pasto, Nariño create a community investment in healing that extends far beyond the patient. When the starting quarterback tears an ACL, the whole town follows his recovery—from the orthopedic surgeon's office to the physical therapy clinic to the first practice back. This communal attention isn't pressure; it's support. The Midwest heals its athletes the way it raises its barns: together.

Spring in the Midwest near Pasto, Nariño carries a healing power that winter's survivors understand viscerally. The first warm day, the first green shoot, the first robin—these aren't metaphors for recovery. They're the recovery itself, experienced at a physiological level by people whose bodies have endured months of cold and darkness. The Midwest physician who says 'hang on until spring' is prescribing the most effective antidepressant the region produces.

The work of Herbert Benson at Harvard Medical School on the "relaxation response" and its relationship to prayer provides an important physiological framework for understanding some of the phenomena described in "Physicians' Untold Stories" by Dr. Scott Kolbaba. Benson demonstrated that repetitive prayer—the Catholic rosary, the Jewish Shema, the Islamic dhikr, the Hindu mantra—activates the parasympathetic nervous system, reducing heart rate, blood pressure, muscle tension, and cortisol production. This physiological cascade creates conditions favorable to healing by shifting the body from a sympathetic "fight-or-flight" state to a parasympathetic "rest-and-repair" state. Benson's initial research, published in "The Relaxation Response" (1975), focused on Transcendental Meditation but was extended in subsequent decades to encompass prayer from all major religious traditions. His later work demonstrated that the relaxation response could alter gene expression, upregulating genes associated with energy metabolism, mitochondrial function, and insulin secretion, while downregulating genes associated with inflammatory processes and stress-related pathways. These epigenetic effects were detectable after as little as eight weeks of regular practice. For physicians in Pasto, Nariño, Benson's research offers a partial but significant biological explanation for the prayer-healing connection documented in Kolbaba's book. However, it is important to note that Benson himself acknowledged that his research could not account for the most dramatic cases of healing associated with prayer—the spontaneous remissions, the sudden reversals of organ failure, the recoveries that defied all medical expectation. These cases, Benson suggested, point to mechanisms beyond the relaxation response—mechanisms that may involve what he termed the "faith factor," an as-yet-unidentified pathway through which deep belief influences biological outcomes in ways that exceed the known effects of stress reduction and immune modulation.

The academic study of miracles has been transformed in recent decades by the work of philosophers and historians who have challenged David Hume's influential argument against the credibility of miraculous testimony. Hume argued in "An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding" (1748) that no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle because the improbability of a miracle always exceeds the improbability that witnesses are mistaken or lying. This argument has dominated intellectual discourse on miracles for over 250 years, providing the philosophical foundation for the scientific community's reluctance to engage with claims of divine intervention. However, contemporary philosophers—including Craig Keener in his magisterial "Miracles" (2011), which surveys thousands of documented miraculous claims from around the world—have identified serious weaknesses in Hume's argument. Keener points out that Hume's reasoning is circular: it defines miracles as impossible and then uses that definition to dismiss evidence for their occurrence. Moreover, Hume's claim that miracles are always less probable than their denial assumes a prior probability of zero for divine action—an assumption that begs the question against theism rather than arguing against it. For physicians and intellectuals in Pasto, Nariño, the Hume-Keener debate has direct relevance to how they evaluate the accounts in "Physicians' Untold Stories" by Dr. Scott Kolbaba. If Hume's argument is sound, then no amount of physician testimony should persuade us that divine intervention occurs. If Keener's critique of Hume is correct, then the testimony of credible witnesses—including trained physicians—deserves to be weighed on its own merits, without the a priori exclusion that Hume's argument demands.

A 2016 study published in the Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine examined the concept of 'anticipated regret' in clinical decision-making — the physician's sense that they would regret not acting on a hunch — and found that anticipated regret was a significant predictor of diagnostic testing decisions that were not warranted by clinical guidelines but that occasionally revealed clinically significant findings. The study raises an interesting question for the divine intervention accounts in Dr. Kolbaba's book: is the physician who drives to the hospital at 3 AM acting on divine guidance, or on anticipated regret? The answer may be that the distinction is less meaningful than it appears. If anticipated regret functions as a mechanism through which non-rational sources of knowledge influence physician behavior — and if that mechanism saves lives — then the label matters less than the outcome. For physicians in Pasto, this research validates the clinical relevance of the 'gut feeling,' regardless of whether its source is psychological, spiritual, or some integration of both.